15: THE RIGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL MAN
The rights of man have been long debated, but even more so since libertarian values have started to prevail. They are sometimes perceived as the antithesis of governmental rights: perhaps as a hindrance to efficient government. They are also suspect for the qualifications that may need to be understood, if not actually listed, within their implementation in practice. But they do need to be stated.
Normally it is government which takes the initiative in laying down the rules concerning any electoral contest; but they have so far proved wary of furnishing the individual man with his most natural defence against the abuses of government, in the form of a legislated list of his rights. They may be on the verge of introducing such legislation, for fear of the opposition winning electoral advantage by proposing it first; or the European Parliament may outflank the National Parliaments, obtaining the kudos of pursuing these goals by going over their heads. One way or the other, we stand on the brink of such legislation; and in the meantime it remains the concern of writers, rather more than of politicians, to establish what should feature upon this list. So I am venturing my own statement on the matter.
My particular concern is to ensure that the individual is protected from society at large against the threat of his being coerced into conformity. Government has its hands full with the requirements of regulating the economy, maintaining law and order, and conducting a nation's foreign policy, without inviting any frontal assault from individualists on the question of their un-legislated rights. Whatever the final form that they take, their attainment is just a matter of time, and there should be no question of slackening off in our pressure upon government to recognise them.
Within my own perspective on the matter, I stand in hope that the following rights of the individual man will ultimately be recognised, in the form of a legislated charter: although the precise age at which the human embryo, the infant, the child, or even the adolescent might be attributed with some, or any, of these rights should remain open to further debate.
1: The right to life, provided that my behaviour does not constitute an immediate threat to the lives of other people.
2: The right to do whatsoever I please with my body, to the point of terminating all life within it, if I so choose.
3: The right to establish (and to embellish) my own lifestyle, provided that it is not injurious to other people.
4: The right to privacy within such a lifestyle, provided that I am conducting it in compliance with common law.
5: The right to property, in terms of land or material possessions, whose usage is at my choice, provided that this does not conflict with the established will of the majority.
6: The right to choose for my personal association whatever family form might suit me the best.
7: The right to equality in opportunity, until the point has been reached when my individual abilities can be assessed for their particular merit.
8: The right to employment suitable to my abilities, if necessary from the hands of the state.
9: The right to offer my services for employment wherever work is available.
10: The right to protection and welfare benefits from the hands of the state, for myself and my dependants, according to the established rules for such welfare distribution.
11: The right to protection from physical or psychological coercion, from other members of the public or from the officials of state.
12: The right of access to official files of information on my life and personality.
13: The right to the same treatment as anyone else, in the eyes of the law.
14: The right to trial when accused of breaking the law, and the assumption of innocence, until my guilt has been satisfactorily proven.
15: The right to proclaim and to publish whatever viewpoints I might hold.
16: The right to associate with whomever I please, and to organise their gatherings for the purpose of discussion or peaceful demonstration.
17: The right to select whatever candidate I might choose, to represent me in the political arena.
18: The right to present myself for election, as an alternative to the existing government, and to strive legally to win support for my candidature.
19: The right to govern, if I can win the support of the majority in such an election, for as long as that majority holds.
20: The right to worship in whatever temple I might please, in free association with other people of a similar creed.
21: The right to prosecute any individual, or institution, who seeks to suppress these rights.
The acceptance by government of a given list of rights for the individual man is no guarantee that our quality of life will improve thereafter. History has featured authoritarian paternalistic regimes, with no respect for the rights of man, when the absence of individual freedom of choice might be judged as an acceptable price for the established social welfare. The argument might even be carried that, with a proposed such list fully operative, the state's welfare might gradually be eroded and then destroyed.
The case for establishing such a list is that we need to be protected from situations of extreme adversity, and we must always have the means at our disposal to change our government, whenever that arises as the desirable remedy for our ills. The recognition of our rights then acts as a shield from behind which a political campaign can be conducted, in the expectation of fair play. It places the individual when in opposition to the government, almost upon a level footing with the powers that be. Only then will the conditions exist for society to make a free choice concerning those who should govern us.